The late US vice-president Dick Cheney, who died at the age of 84, was regarded as among the most significant holders of the vice-presidency in US history. Although numerous vice-presidents had to settle for peripheral or ceremonial positions, Cheney wielded huge influence during the term of George W Bush, so much so that he was frequently called as the "real president".
Bush resented this portrayal and claimed the relationship was more nuanced. He observed that Cheney was deferential, always calling him in official appearances as President, while he addressed him as Dick. Bush questioned even descriptions of their partnership as a collaboration because it implied that they were peers. In spite of such protestations, Cheney viewed the laidback president pliable on a wide array of policy decisions.
A Period Following the Attacks
At the head of a contingent of neo-conservatives that encompassed military head Donald Rumsfeld and Pentagon second-in-command Paul Wolfowitz, he pushed hard for the military intervention of Iraq in 2003 in response to the 9/11 attacks on New York and Washington. During of the 9/11 assault, Bush had been participating in a gathering at a educational institution in Florida. Whereas Bush made his way to a secure location in Nebraska, Cheney took command, ordering the shooting down of any unidentified planes heading toward the Capitol building.
Cheney stated the assaults transformed him, leading him to become determined on revenge. In conjunction with other neo-conservatives, such as Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, he lobbied for a invasion of Afghanistan in an endeavor to apprehend Osama bin Laden. Cheney then strongly advocated for the military action of Iraq, even though there was no evidence of Saddam Hussein playing a role.
Disputed Actions
He showed no remorse about the invasion, in which an estimated 100,000 Iraqis lost their lives, nor about the waterboarding of suspects rounded up after 9/11. He told CNN in 2015 that the Iraq military action, which was based on misleading intelligence repeated by Cheney, was the proper decision. "It was the right thing to do back then. I was convinced then and I hold that view presently."
Yet during that period, there were dissenting voices at a top tier about the poor management of Iraq. One of the government's own delegates to the region, General Anthony Zinni (2001-03), was not retained from the position. "I saw, at the very least," he wrote later "obvious failure, negligence, and unaccountability: at worst, falsehoods, incompetence, and dishonesty."
Wider Perspective
Cheney was not solely to blame for the Iraq campaign. Even before 9/11, Wolfowitz had advocated for comparable steps. He had drafted a memo detailing circumstances in which national priorities might be endangered (featuring "access to vital raw materials, mostly Persian Gulf oil"). Wolfowitz had argued that "America should be positioned to act independently when joint efforts prove impossible," specifically referencing armed actions against Iraq.
Bush additionally had assumed the Oval Office vaguely intent on implementing what his parent had notably declined to do in 1991; overthrow Saddam. After he had been dismissed by the White House, the finance chief Paul O'Neill revealed how, at the initial gathering of the National Security Council in January 2001, Bush had stated his plan of lowering America's engagement in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and suggested defense operations against Iraq.
Bush held a private grievance against Saddam, believing he had been behind a conspiracy to murder his predecessor, President George HW Bush, on a trip to Kuwait in 1993. He also objected to that one of the largest hotels in Baghdad had a surface artwork with a likeness of his father's visage that everyone had to tread upon.
Questioning Techniques
However it was Cheney who was among the most vociferous behind attacking Iraq, repeatedly quoting information documents that were whether weak or entirely deceptive. He backed what the Bush White House politely called as "advanced techniques", the application of interrogation method and physical pressure.
Addressing a Senate document in 2014 that concluded that no actionable intelligence had resulted from the torture, Cheney rejected the findings as "riddled with crap". He informed Fox News: "We requested [the CIA] to take steps and put in place procedures to catch the individuals who killed 3,000 of us on 9/11 and ensure it was not repeated. That was specifically what they did and they deserve a lot of credit."
Public Image
Cheney took pleasure in labels imposed on him by detractors such as the Star Wars villain and the dark figure, and by the idea that he was a sinister influence manipulating Bush. In Peter Baker's 2013 volume about the pair, Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House, Cheney is quoted as saying: "Is it me who is the sinister strategist in the background that remains unseen emerge from his hole? It's a effective way to function, truthfully."
Commercial Ties
Dispute over his corporate affiliations followed him during his tenure as vice-president. While he had limited background in corporate affairs but established relationships in security, particularly in Saudi Arabia, he was offered a position at Halliburton, one of the world's biggest oil and gas companies, in 1995 as leader and top executive.
In 2000 he was selected as Bush's election partner for the White House. Contentiously, during the military campaign, Halliburton was granted US agreements totaling billions.
It significantly boosted his finances. His yearly earnings during his tenure at the firm grew from his $258,394 when he was military head to millions. When he resigned in 2000 he had a compensation package totaling more than $20m|twenty
